It has been reported that Nationalist Congress Party MP Supriya Sule has instructed her party’s spokespersons and leaders that, they should only target Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis while making statements.
The
State has seen Supriya Sule’s ‘hatred for Fadnavis’ from time to time in the
last ten years. The instruction to only target Fadnavis coming directly from
Supriya Sule, who is the daughter of senior leader Sharad Pawar, is clearly
showing the level to which the party’s political culture has fallen.
A
few days ago, Uddhav Thackeray also used the language, ‘either you will stay or
I will stay,’ while addressing Devendra Fadnavis. Maratha reservation activist
Manoj Jarange-Patil, has also been targeting only and only Devendra Fadnavis
since last one year. After analysing these developments, the question naturally
arises that why these people are afraid of Devendra Fadnavis’s leadership.
In
politics, opposition opposing the ruling party is considered as a fundamental
principle of democracy. If that was the reason to oppose Devendra Fadnavis’s
leadership, then there was no reason for anyone to object.
This
scathing criticism shows the phobia in the mind of opposition. Supriyatai has
been in politics for many years, she is also the member of the Parliament, yet
she is not seen as the political heir to Sharad Pawar.
Nevertheless,
no one will dare to say that her statements clarifying the policies and
political directions of the party are made without the consent of Pawar Saheb.
It must be kept in mind that Pawar saheb has never himself given a
clarification that he does not agree with Supriya Sule’s statement. In case of
Ajit Pawar, Pawar, saheb has kept a distance in many incidents. This proves
that the statement made by Supriya Sule to target Devendraji has been made with
the consent of Pawar Saheb.
Maharashtra
has often experienced Sharad Pawar’s dominance in politics till 2014. Whether
Pawar Saheb was in power or not, his role in Maharashtra politics was always
decisive. Since the 2014 Lok Sabha Elections, this belief has begun to shatter.
In 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance won as many as 42
seats. Sharad Pawar could not achieve this kind of a success even when he was
the Chief Minister during Congress rule in the State and as well as when he was
the agriculture minister for NCP at the Centre. Pawar has never been able to
achieve double digit seats in Lok Sabha elections till date since formation of
NCP in 1999. In 2014, even Supriya tai won Baramati seat with a very slender
margin. Till 2014, Pawar family member had won Baramati seat by margin of at
least two lakh votes. Looking at this background, the success achieved by
Bharatiya Janata Party raised a question mark on Pawar’s leadership. In the
2014 assembly elections, Uddhav Thackray went his separate way and broke the
alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party. Uddhav Thackeray decided to fight
alone when elections were just round the corner.
In
the 5 assembly elections held during the period of 1990 to 2014, Bharatiya
Janata Party had contested only 117 seats in each election. The remaining 170
seats went to the Shiv Sena. As the organization was not very well prepared to
fight for these 170 seats for Vidhan Sabha election, it was extremely difficult
for the BJP to choose candidates for 170 seats and to fight the election at the
eleventh hour.
Still
Bharatiya Janata Party won 124 seats in 2014. Pawar saheb earlier through
Samajwadi Congress and then through NCP had challenged Congress in three
elections. In those three elections of 1980, 1985 and 1999 Pawar saheb could
only win 50 to 60 seats. In 1990, Congress could not even get the clear
majority under Pawar saheb’s leadership.
In
fact, in 1995, BJP-Shiv Sena defeated congress under the leadership of Pawar
and came to power. The point here is, Pawar when fought alone or when fought
with congress, never got a clear majority. In this background, the Bharatiya
Janata Party winning 124 seats in 2014 was of great importance. In 2019, BJP
contested 160 seats and won 105. Development in the State gathered pace under
the leadership of Devendra Fadnavis government which came into power in 2014.
After realizing that the popularity of Fadnavis government and Bharatiya Janata
Party is on the rise, systematic efforts to stop Devendra Fadnavis began. In
2019, luring Uddhav Thackeray as Chief Minister to break BJP-Shiv sena alliance
was part of this strategy only. Even after being in power for many years, let
alone giving reservation to Maratha community, Pawar saheb could not even solve
the education and employment problem of Maratha students and youth.
Devendra
Fadnavis helped creating one lakh entrepreneurs in Maratha community by
providing financial support to Annasaheb Patil Vikas Mahamandal. After Eknath
Shinde rejoined hands with BJP to preserve Balasaheb’s Hindutva, opposition has
realized that their strategy to stop BJP is going to fail and therefore once
again there is a conspiracy to create unrest in the state. Both Sharad Pawar
and Uddhav Thackray have avoided answering the question whether they will give
Maratha community a reservation in OBC quota. BJP’s stand on this from day one
is to give separate reservation to Maratha community. When Devendra Fadnavis
was chief minister, he gave separate reservation to Maratha community in the
framework of the constitution and it was also upheld till the preliminary
hearing in the Supreme Court.
Devendra
Fadnavis is being targeted because Pawar and Uddhav Thackray are afraid of
their existence. The limitations of Sharad Pawar and Uddhav Thackeray’s
politics are apparent from this. Mahavikas Aghadi has achieved success in Lok
Sabha election by spreading confusion among Muslim community and Dalit
Community, but they have now realized that this propaganda will not be helpful
in Vidhan Sabha election. Voters do not respond to these tactics; it has been
seen earlier also and it will be seen in coming assembly election as well.
(Article Pre-Published in Times of India Online – 09 September
2024)
Keshav Upadhye, Chief Spokesperson
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