A week-old revolt triggering a vertical split in the NCP
and its precedent revolt of June 2022 will definitely provide the main impetus
to the age-old political framework in Maharashtra. For over four decades,
Maharashtra has only witnessed feudalism, politics revolving around a
particular person, and untrustworthy behaviors of those at the helm of
affairs. But now, with the recent developments, it is hoped that major
qualitative changes will be ushered in the future.
These developments indicate that
Sharad Pawar, who has remained an integral part of the state’s politics since
1978, and his career will soon become obsolete. It will also wreck Uddhav
Thackeray’s career which began with the blessings of his father since 2000, as
the recent changes have only glaringly brought his limitations to the fore. Now
time will only tell us as to who will competently fill the void created by the
downfall of both, Pawar and Thackeray.
The swearing-in of Ajit Pawar
and his colleagues brought the central and state leadership of the Bharatiya
Janata Party under flak of the well-wishers, the Opposition, and the media. BJP
leaders were being criticized. In fact, the way things unfolded came as a
surprise to BJP party workers and activists as well and I will admit that even
they were equally confused. Having said so, let me now delve into the subject
of this article.
Politics in Maharashtra can be
roughly divided into two phases – from the formation of Maharashtra as a state
in 1960 till 1980 and from 1980 to 2023. The first 20 years from 1960 to 1980,
Maharashtra was ruled by power-packed Congress leadership like Yashwantrao
Chawan and Vasantdada Patil with an equally competent opposition leaders like
Bhai Uddhavrao Patil, Krishnarao Dhulap, Dajiba Desai, S.M.Joshi, Acharya Atre,
Uttamrao Patil and Rambhau Mhalgi, who were capable of keeping the congress
government on edge.
At that time, even though the
Bharatiya Jana Sangh was not as strong as the Peasants and Workers Party of
India or the Samajwadi Party, the Jana Sangh still persisted. It was also a
time of collective leadership; Yashwantrao Chavan’s leadership was accepted by
the Congress for his collective leadership qualities. In fact, Congress’s style
of politics became person-specific during the reign of former Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi, i.e., after 1970.
Yashwantrao Chavan was the last
word in Maharashtra politics. But later, Yashwantrao Chavan’s confidante
Vasantrao Naik was dethroned from the chief ministerial position and instead, Shankarrao Chavan was crowned the new chief minister by Indira Gandhi without
discussing it with Yashwantrao. Later, in 1978, Yashwantrao Chavan in
collaboration with Sharad Pawar, who was trained under the abled guidance of
Vasantdada Patil, gave birth to a new political culture in Maharashtra.
At that time, Indira Gandhi’s
popularity had faded for her decision to impose Emergency. Presuming that she
wouldn’t be able to return to active national politics, Pawar betrayed
Vasantdada who was the chief minister, and pulled down his government. This was
the beginning of a new era – Pawar’s style of untrustworthy politics which
later became a permanent phenomenon. He was being looked up for his crafty, his
diplomacy, and his multitasking ability but he also became infamous for being
the most unreliable leader in Maharashtra. In politics, assurances and promises
have great significance. But Pawar never paid heed to it.
He was also against an alliance
with the Bharatiya Janata Party for its Hindutva ideology and he had always
expressed his determination on various platforms including his public
appearances and his interactions with media persons since the formation of the
Nationalist Congress Party in 1999. His fierce opposition to the BJP had also
gained him popularity amidst the Opposition parties across the country for
being a patriarch against the BJP. But recently when Ajit Pawar, Chhagan
Bhujbal, and Praful Patel admitted that Pawar always wanted an alliance with the
BJP, the congregation of journalists and intellectuals got in a fix. He also
lost whatever little credibility he enjoyed in the political circle.
In fact, Ajitdada Pawar and
Chhagan Bhujbal also admitted that Pawar was against the Shiv Sena for its
communalist stance. But still, he explored the option of forming an alliance
with Uddhav Thackeray and experimented with the formation of the Maha Vikas Aghadi
government. What surprises me is, despite all these senior leaders openly
revealing his intentions, Pawar refrained from saying anything against them.
Does it mean that Pawar is unaware of the consequences these revelations can
have on him?
It would be foolish to think
that Uddhav Thackeray might clear his misapprehensions about the BJP after
these revelations. Uddhav Thackeray, who has so far survived on the merit of
his father revered Balasaheb Thackeray, has always revolved around himself. At
least now, he will realize that the BJP leadership had rejected NCP’s proposal
and had refused to break ties with Shiv Sena. And with Ajit Pawar openly
acknowledging it, Uddhav Thackeray will realize that it wasn’t the BJP to have
betrayed him but it was the other way round. At least I can pin my hope on
that.
Uddhav Thackeray, in fact,
followed the footsteps of Sharad Pawar – while Thackeray betrayed the BJP for
his desire to become the chief minister, Sharad Pawar had betrayed Vasantdada
for the same reason. Although the recent developments have exposed Thackeray
and Pawar’s person-specific style of politics, I am still hopeful that the
recent developments will usher in qualitative changes in Maharashtra’s
politics.
(Article Pre-Published in Times of
India Online – 10 July 2023)
Keshav Upadhye, Chief Spokesperson
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